Mother should i trust the government

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Paul Benton. Participating in policy debates helps people articulate their interests and collaborate with others while grassroots engagement sets the guiding vision to which party politicians, chosen by members, pledge to adhere. Parties are supposed to be as much about space for political and democratic education as they are about action, always for the benefit of ordinary—if extra engaged—citizens.

Of course, this is a far cry from the way most of our political parties seem to operate. Few parties allow their membership to actually determine policy. You may recall that when federal Liberals met in Halifax last year, their membership voted in favour of decriminalizing all drug use in Canada—an idea Prime Minister Justin Trudeau refuses to pursue.

Nor are all members necessarily equal, given the limited or non-existent regulation of campaign financing in Atlantic Canada. You can understand, then, how some conclude that parties are unaccountable organizations that do more to stymie thoughtful, engaged citizens than foster them.

One popular solution is to just scrap them altogether. This appears to be a compelling solution, because it puts an automatic end to partisan bickering in Question Period and turns all politicians into de facto Independents. This would force our representatives to have real thoughts of their own that they can respectfully communicate with their colleagues, rather than simply hurl abuse or clap like a trained seal whenever the party whips the vote.

Competing caucuses will no longer be what drives politics; instead of a soundbite-driven bloodsport, you get legislators working together to arrive at a necessarily collaborative solution.

The downside is that this does not necessarily free political bodies from petty, trumped-up conflicts; one need only follow the antics of N. While it would eliminate partisan bickering, it may actually exacerbate personality conflicts. Insofar as municipal politics appear to be more functional than their provincial or federal counterparts, that likely has less to do with the absence of parties and more to do with the physical scale of the polity involved.

Municipal leaders tend to be more responsive and dynamic precisely because of their proximity. Perhaps, then, we need to bring these two solitudes together. But how? I want to propose two institutional solutions that would lead to more engaged citizens and more responsive politicians. The first is electoral reform. Our present system—popularly known as first past the post FPTP , technically known as single member plurality—is designed less for deliberation and more for action.

Currently, the candidate with the most votes wins, even if, as in a three party-plus contest, this results in a winning candidate receiving much less than a majority of ballots cast.

In many cases this means you have politicians representing districts where anywhere between half and two-thirds of voters preferred somebody else—sometimes serving in similarly FPTP-inflated governments, pursuing policies that most people did not actually endorse. As you can imagine, governments produced this way have little incentive to govern for anyone outside their voting base.

It seems to me that more responsive governments would emerge through an electoral system which produces results more in line with the wishes expressed in the votes actually cast.

There are a number of alternative systems, like ranked ballots or proportional representation, which have different strengths and weaknesses depending on how outcomes are prioritized in a given polity. Some Canadian jurisdictions have studied the issue and brought it to their voters for consideration. This includes P. Regardless of success, getting voters to think critically about the act of voting itself is a worthwhile civic endeavour all on its own.

A similar reform would involve introducing recall legislation.